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CubaBrief: JFK placed an Embargo on the Communist dictatorship in Cuba on this day in 1962, and why it is still needed.

President John F. Kennedy signs Proclamation 3447 an “Embargo on All Trade with Cuba”

On February 3, 1962 President John F. Kennedy declared in Proclamation 3447 an “Embargo on All Trade with Cuba” in which it was “resolved that the present Government of Cuba is incompatible with the principles and objectives of the Inter-American system; and, in light of the subversive offensive of Sino-Soviet Communism with which the Government of Cuba is publicly aligned, urged the member states to take those steps that they may consider appropriate for their individual and collective self-defense.”

Communist official lies about the US Embargo on X

Bruno Rodriguez, the Cuban dictatorship’s Foreign Minister, this morning at 10:31am tweeted out that “Sixty-four years after John F. Kennedy formally decreed a total US trade embargo against Cuba, the US government is attempting to make humanity complicit in a terrible oil blockade against our country, with unprecedented humanitarian consequences.” He called for the end of sanction on the communist dictatorship.

President Kennedy did not impose a “blockade” on February 3, 1962, but he did initiate wholesale sanctions on the communist dictatorship that he called an embargo.

It is not a surprise that the Cuban dictatorship’s foreign minister lies.

 A full naval blockade was imposed on October 22, 1962 when offensive Soviet nuclear missiles placed by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev were found in Cuba. Fidel Castro did all he could to provoke a violent outcome during the Cuban Missile Crisis, unnerving the Soviets. This blockade was ended by President Kennedy a month later, on November 22, 1962.

Kennedy and Khrushchev reached a peaceful outcome, but the Castro regime continued to protest and was unhappy with their Soviet allies. Ernesto “Che” Guevara’s essay “Tactics and strategy of the Latin American Revolution (October – November 1962)” was posthumously published by the official publication Verde Olivo on October 9, 1968, and even at this date was not only Guevara’s view but the official view:

“Here is the electrifying example of a people prepared to suffer nuclear immolation so that its ashes may serve as a foundation for new societies. When an agreement was reached by which the atomic missiles were removed, without asking our people, we were not relieved or thankful for the truce; instead we denounced the move with our own voice.”

In the same essay, the dead Argentine declared: “We do assert, however, that we must follow the road of liberation even though it may cost millions of nuclear war victims.”

This dictatorship was and remains a threat to the United States, and other countries in the region. Raul Castro Ruz, Ramiro Valdes Menendez, and other ninety years olds who attempted to start World War 3 in October 1962 still run Cuba today. However, 93 year old Valdez Menendez has been hospitalized for over ten days with what is being described as a “grave illness.”

(L to R) José Ramón Machado Ventura (age 93); dictator Raúl Castro (age 92); Raul Castro’s appointed president, Miguel Díaz-Canel (age 63); and Ramiro Valdés (age 91) architect of Cuba’s police state. Granma.

This was the reason for the month long blockade, but the economic sanctions were imposed after a long chain of events.

How the U.S. Embargo on Cuba came to be imposed

U.S. policy towards Cuba has not been static over the past six decades but has been changing and driven by various interests, including U.S. national interests. There is a lot of disinformation about how the U.S. Embargo was first imposed on Cuba, and how and why the U.S. broke diplomatic relations with Havana. Here is a brief breakdown of what happened between January 1, 1959 and February 3, 1962.

Fidel Castro overthrew the Fulgencio Batista regime on January 1, 1959 following a U.S. arms embargo being imposed on the military dictator in the spring of 1958. The United States had actively pressured Batista to leave office since 1958. On January 7, 1959 the United States recognized the new Cuban government ushered in by the Castro brothers. It took just seven days to recognize the new regime. In comparison it had taken the United States 17 days to recognize the government of Fulgencio Batista following his March 10, 1952 coup.

Richard Nixon met with Fidel Castro in April 1959 and sought a detente with Havana in 1974.

In April 1959 Fidel Castro visited the United States on an eleven day trip that concluded with a three hour meeting with Vice President Richard Nixon on April 19, 1959.

Within three months of U.S. recognition of the revolutionary government in Cuba the new regime began targeting American interests on the island and allying itself with the Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China, and plotting the overthrow of several Latin American governments.

Fidel Castro visits Caracas on January 23, 1959 and meets with Venezuelan President Romulo Betancourt, a social democrat, “to enlist cooperation and financial backing for ‘the master plan against the gringos.’”

  • On March 3, 1959 the Castro regime expropriates properties belonging to the International Telephone and Telegraph Company, and took over its affiliate, the Cuban Telephone Company.

  • On May 17, 1959 the government expropriated farm lands over 1,000 acres and banned land ownership by foreigners.

  • Havana beginning in 1959 sent armed expeditions to Panama, Haiti, Nicaragua, Venezuela and the Dominican Republic to overthrow their governments.

  • On February 6, 1960 talks began publicly between the U.S.S.R and Fidel Castro. The Soviet Union agreed to buy five million tons of sugar over five years. They also agreed to support Cuba with oil, grain, and credit.

  • On July 6, 1960 the Castro regime passed a nationalization law authorizing nationalization of U.S.- owned property through expropriation. Texaco, Esso, and Shell oil refineries were taken.

  • In September 1960 the Cuban government diplomatically recognized the People’s Republic of China.

  • On November 19, 1960 Ernesto “Che” Guevara heading a Cuban delegation in Beijing met with Mao Zedong between 4:20pm and 6:30pm and discussed revolutionary objectives in Latin America.

The Eisenhower State Department in response to the above actions imposed the first trade embargo on Cuba on October 19, 1960, and it “covered all U.S. exports to Cuba except for medicine and some foods.”

How diplomatic relations ended

Tens of thousands of Cubans were lined up outside of the U.S. embassy in Havana seeking visas to flee the communist dictatorship, and this became a source of embarrassment for the communist regime. Fidel Castro communicated with the Eisenhower Administration on January 3, 1961 and demanded the expulsion of 67 U.S. diplomats, within 48 hours, reducing their number to 11, the same number at the Cuban embassy in Washington DC. The Americans had over 50,000 visa applications to process when the ultimatum was delivered.

On January 3, 1961 at 8:30 p.m. EST President Eisenhower issued a statement stating: “There is a limit to what the United States in self respect can endure. That limit has now been reached,” and severed diplomatic relations with Cuba.

President John Fitzgerald Kennedy took office on January 20, 1961.

A year later, between January 22, 1962 to January 31, 1962 the Kennedy Administration successfully lobbied the Foreign Ministers of the member countries of the Organization of American States (OAS) to expel Cuba from the regional body.

The U.S. embargo was expanded and formalized 62 years ago today on February 3, 1962, and on July 26, 1964 the OAS imposed multilateral sanctions on Cuba and member states broke relations with Havana throughout the Western Hemisphere, with Mexico the only country maintaining relations with the Cuban dictatorship.

Two articles were published in 14ymedio in 2022 on the topic of U.S. sanctions on Cuba that dispel the Castro regime’s criticism of U.S. policy: “The True History of the United States Trade Embargo on Cuba” by former Cuban political prisoner Luis Zúñiga and “Is There Really a U.S. Embargo?” by Cuban economist Elías Amor Bravo. Both are required reading.

Havana claims that the U.S. economic embargo has been hurting Cuba for six decades, but that was not what the regime, and their maximum leader, said during the first 30 years of the Cuban dictatorship. Here are some of the statements made by Fidel Castro between the 1964 through 2000 related to the economic embargo.

“We are going to have, within ten years, a milk production higher than the Netherlands and a cheese production higher than France. That is the great goal that we propose to achieve. By that date we think that the amount of 30 million liters of milk will be exceeded. So there will be to export … you can imagine.” said Fidel Castro, in an interview with Eddy Martin from the official Hoy newspaper on March 2, 1964.

“The great battle of the eggs has been won. From now on the people will be able to have sixty million eggs each month,” said Fidel Castro in a speech on January 2, 1965.

“In 1970 the Island will have 5,000 experts in the cattle industry and around 8 million cows and calves that will be good milk producers” ….  “There will be so much milk that the Bay of Havana will be able to be filled with milk,” said Fidel Castro in his December 1966 speech during the Assembly of the Federation of Cuban Women, a mass organization of the dictatorship.

Fidel Castro, speaking at the First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba in December 1975 bragged about the unimportance of economic sanctions saying,“at first (the United States) their cancellations were quite annoying … but when luckily, we did not depend on them for anything, neither in trade, nor in supplies, nor in anything. If we are already victorious now, after victory, what can they threaten us with? With canceling what … what? ”

“The United States has less and less to offer Cuba. If we could export our products to the United States, we would have to start making plans for new production lines … because everything that we produce now and everything that we are going to produce in the next five years has already been sold to other markets. We should deprive other socialist countries of these products in order to sell them to the United States. But the socialist countries pay us much better prices and have much better relations with us than we have with the United States. There is a popular saying that goes: ‘Don’t trade a cow for a goat.’” said Fidel Castro in his interview with Playboy published in April 1985

“Cuba will not buy an aspirin or a grain of rice. They have put a lot of restrictions (on the permission to sell food and medicine) that make it humiliating for the country, but also make it impossible in practice,” said Fidel Castro, in front of the United States Interests Office, in Havana, Cuba on October 18, 2000.

Cuba’s communist dictatorship would go on to purchase billions in American agricultural products between 2000 and the present, but to do so they defaulted on what they owed to others. The peak years of trade between Cuba and the United States were in 2008, the last full year of the George W. Bush Administration, and the first year of the second Trump Administration.

Most press accounts and opinion pieces about the U.S. Embargo on Cuba do not mention how it saved American taxpayers from billions in bad debt by the Cuban government. Nor do they discuss the full circumstances and national security concerns that drove the United States to impose an embargo on the Castro regime that are mentioned above.

There was a conservative argument made in 1998 for lifting economic sanctions, after the collapse of the USSR, but before the fruits of the Sao Paulo Forum were seen in Venezuela with the rise of Hugo Chavez, followed by the return of Ortega to power in Nicaragua, and Havana allowing Hezbollah to open up a base in Cuba, and even then it did not stand up to an informed debate.

The case was made by William F. Buckley Jr. in 1998 and successfully rebutted by Ambassador Otto Reich.

How Havana’s kleptocracy harms Cubans

Nora Gamez Torres on August 6, 2025 revealed that Cuban military conglomerate GAESA is sitting on $18 billion in cash reserves, while Havana pleads poverty, and Cubans are mired in poverty and misery.
The evidence of corruption and the Castro regime’s kleptocratic nature abounds.
On August 17, 2025 the independent Cuban publication 14ymedio reported on Cuban doctors in Angola suing the  Antex (Antillean Export Corporation S.A.), owned by the above mentioned Cuban military conglomerate Gaesa over the theft of their dollars.

The Miami Herald journalist also published a list of Cuban companies secretly run by the Cuban military.

On May 1, 2025  Nora Gamez Torres spoke virtually to the Hudson Institute on a panel discussion titled, Cuba’s Kleptocracy: How It Works and Why It Matters for US Policy, in which she described how GAESA’s funds are not being used to benefit the Cuban people.  She also hinted during this event at having additional information, which was released on August 6, 2025.

From the archives

The American Presidency,  February 3, 1962

John F. Kennedy

35th President of the United States: 1961 ‐ 1963

Proclamation 3447—Embargo on All Trade with Cuba

February 03, 1962

By the President of the United States of America

A Proclamation

Whereas the Eighth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Serving as Organ of Consultation in Application of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, in its Final Act resolved that the present Government of Cuba is incompatible with the principles and objectives of the Inter-American system; and, in light of the subversive offensive of Sino-Soviet Communism with which the Government of Cuba is publicly aligned, urged the member states to take those steps that they may consider appropriate for their individual and collective self-defense;

Whereas the Congress of the United States, in section 620(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (75 Stat. 445), as amended, has authorized the President to establish and maintain an embargo upon all trade between the United States and Cuba; and

Whereas the United States, in accordance with its international obligations, is prepared to take all necessary actions to promote national and hemispheric security by isolating the present Government of Cuba and thereby reducing the threat posed by its alignment with the communist powers:

Now, Therefore, I, John F. Kennedy, President of the United States of America, acting under the authority of section 620(a) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (75 Stat. 445), as amended, do

1. Hereby proclaim an embargo upon trade between the United States and Cuba in accordance with paragraphs 2 and 3 of this proclamation.

2. Hereby prohibit, effective 12:01 A.M., Eastern Standard Time, February 7, 1962, the importation into the United States of all goods of Cuban origin and all goods imported from or through Cuba; and I hereby authorize and direct the Secretary of the Treasury to carry out such prohibition, to make such exceptions thereto, by license or otherwise, as he determines to be consistent with the effective operation of the embargo hereby proclaimed, and to promulgate such rules and regulations as may be necessary to perform such functions.

3. AND FURTHER, I do hereby direct the Secretary of Commerce, under the provisions of the Export Control Act of 1949, as amended (50 U.S.C. App. 2021-2032), to continue to carry out the prohibition of all exports from the United States to Cuba, and I hereby authorize him, under that Act, to continue, make, modify, or revoke exceptions from such prohibition.

In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed.

DONE at the City of Washington this third day of February, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and eighty-sixth.

JOHN F. KENNEDY

By the President:

Dean Rusk,
Secretary of State

John F. Kennedy, Proclamation 3447—Embargo on All Trade with Cuba Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project

https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/proclamation-3447-embargo-all-trade-with-cuba

Miami Herald, August 6, 2021

Analysis: Once again, Cuba blames the US embargo for its domestic problems. It’s not that simple

By Nora Gamez Torres, Miami Herald
On the evening of Aug. 6, 1994, Fidel Castro appeared on state television after a rare anti-government protest erupted in Havana. The country was going through the worst of the severe economic crisis that followed the end of subsidies from the collapsed Soviet Union. He asked the population to tolerate all kinds of scarcities in the name of the revolution while he resisted desperately needed economic reforms. That night he had a two-word response to the question, “What do you believe is the fundamental reason behind the recent events?”
His answer: “El bloqueo.” The blockade — the Cuban phrase for the U.S. economic embargo.

Twenty-seven years later, Castro is gone, the economy is again in shambles and, unsurprisingly, the Cuban government once again blames the U.S. embargo for the recent widespread protests that shook the island. It is a strategy that Cubans know well. For decades, the government has blamed most of its own shortcomings on what it calls the “murderous criminal blockade” — everything from lack of food to lack of furniture in libraries to lack of insulin for diabetics.

The embargo has been used time and again by the Cuban government to obscure what Cubans on the island, in turn, call “the internal blockade” — the economic and political restrictions imposed by the Communist Party with the support of an extensive military and security apparatus.

After the July 11 demonstrations, pro-government activists and leftist organizations like Black Lives Matter have amplified the Cuban government’s claim that the U.S. embargo is the sole or primary cause of the street demonstrations. Latin American leftist governments like Mexico and Bolivia joined the denunciations and sent humanitarian aid to the island.

But the reality is that while the embargo does have some effect on the island’s economy and the population, it is not the principal reason the country’s economy is in tatters nor the reason Cubans took to the streets. They were, by their own accounts, fed up with the lack of food, the electrical blackouts and “the misery” in general, and they called for “a change of system.” It was the failure of Cuba’s centralized socialist economy, decades of government mismanagement and the lack of civil and political liberties that pushed thousands across the island to call for “the end of the dictatorship” and “freedom.”

While unprecedented, the protests were not entirely surprising, since the life of ordinary Cubans has significantly deteriorated after top leader Miguel Díaz-Canel was handpicked by Raul Castro to become his successor.

“There were clear signs of a growing social unrest and the policy responses of the Cuban elites to the growing inequality were regressive. The protests were also a cry of the Cuban families that have to put up with so much scarcity,” said sociologist Elaine Acosta, a research fellow at the Cuban Research Institute at Florida International University.
The country was already in recession when the coronavirus pandemic hit and plunged the economy into its worst contraction since the so-called “Special Period’ in the 1990s after the end of Soviet subsidies. Dwindling aid from Venezuela and sanctions by the Trump administration to deprive the Cuban regime of revenue linked to remittances, travel and tourism also contributed to the economic crisis.
But what makes Cuba’s economy so sensitive to financial and political decisions made overseas is its own chronic lack of productivity. After six decades of socialist centralization, the country still does not produce enough to feed its population. Farmers can not freely cultivate and sell their crops. Its fishing fleets — and individual fishermen — are not allowed to sell fish, as the Center for a Free Cuba recently reminded readers in its response to a paid advertisement that appeared in the New York Times with the title “Let Cuba Live!” The Center titled its retort: “Let Cubans fish!”

The government has resisted liberalizing the economy even as most economic indicators, including industrial and agricultural production and the sugar harvest, Cuba’s prime export for centuries, plummeted. Instead, the government tightened its grip on freedom of expression through new decrees and took drastic measures to cut spending: It eliminated food subsidies, reduced the social assistance network and cut the public health system’s budget. It also slashed imports, leading to shortages of food, medicines, and other basic needs.

One thing was clear in the hundreds of videos that surfaced on social media of the massive anti-government uprising on the island: Not a single one showed anyone protesting against the embargo. The wrath of the protesters was aimed at the regime itself and its leaders, particularly Díaz-Canel.

“I did not hear anyone marching to remove the embargo. They were asking for freedom,” said independent journalist and longtime dissident Miriam Celaya in a phone interview from Havana. A supporter of Cuba’s engagement with the U.S., she sat next to President Barack Obama during his historic meeting with Cuban dissidents in Havana in 2015.
 “Historically, I have spoken out against the embargo and against its being used to cover up all the human rights abuses,” she said. “To link the embargo to the protests seems to me to be tremendous opportunism.”
It is not that Cubans do not acknowledge that the embargo makes things more difficult for the Cuban government, and hence for them too, as the state owns and manages all food stores, hospitals, schools and many other services such as electricity and water. But they criticize how Cuban leaders have used it as a scapegoat for everything that goes wrong on the island.
“The embargo is real, but the regime has used it so vaguely to justify almost all problems in Cuba that it has rendered it meaningless,” tweeted the young Cuban actor Daniel Triana.
 
No ban on food or medicine 
The embargo has little to do with how the Communist Party chooses to run the island’s centralized economy or why it curtails the rights of its citizens. And some of the claims made by the Cuban government and its defenders — for example, that Cuba can’t buy food or medicines from U.S. companies — are simply not true.
The six-decade-old policy does restrict some U.S. trade, travel and financial transactions with Cuba.  It is not designed to last forever: the president of the United States can lift it when a democratic government is elected on the island.
‘As a general rule, the embargo prohibits all U.S. transactions involving the Cuban government or persons living in Cuba, unless explicitly authorized by the U.S. Treasury Department regulations or by law. Cuba is banned from using the U.S. financial system and there are currently no direct banking relations between the two countries. Other restrictions make it more difficult for the island to acquire goods overseas that have more than 10 percent American-made components.
But the embargo does not prevent Cuba from trading with other countries, and just like Americans, Cubans could buy South Korean Samsung TVs or Japanese Toyotas — but the prices in the government stores are well beyond the average worker’s reach, which has nothing to do with the embargo. The TV goes for $1,139 and the car for $80,000, while the country’s monthly minimum state wage is the equivalent of $88.
Because of the importance of the U.S. financial system globally, restrictions on transactions with Cuba may also affect foreign companies. Some companies simply choose not to trade with Cuba, fearing running afoul of U.S. law. But at the same time, the embargo has been compared to a block of Swiss cheese because of its many holes.
Contrary to Cuban government propaganda, there is no ban on selling food and medicines or telecommunication services to Cuba. In fact, most of the chicken that Cubans eat, for example, comes from the United States.
The embargo does require Cuba to pay upfront for food, without financing from U.S. companies. The requirement, however, hasn’t prevented Cuba from buying millions of dollars’ worth of food from the U.S. every year. In 2020, Cuba bought $157 million in chicken, grains and even toilet paper, and the U.S. ranked third as the island’s trading partner for agricultural imports, just below the European Union and Brazil and well ahead of China, according to a May report by the Congressional Research Service.

The embargo regulations also authorize transactions related to humanitarian needs or designed to directly benefit the Cuban people, such as medical and health-related projects, disaster preparedness, or environmental concerns, among others. American companies are also allowed to help improve Cuba’s crumbled infrastructure in key areas such as public transportation, water management, public housing, health and education, but these are not opportunities that the island’s government makes public.

Americans can donate food, medicines and medical supplies, communication devices and other items to people on the island, but it is not a straightforward process. The communist government has the last word about what actually gets into the country and usually blocks aid sent by the U.S. government or Cuban exiles. And on the U.S. side, organizations and activists that send aid to Cuba complain about the “red tape” and lack of clear guidance.

The embargo allows the export of U.S. medicines and medical supplies to the island, but the process can be cumbersome, requiring licenses and guarantees that they will go to the Cuban people, not the government. That might explain why, since 2003, the Cuban government has bought the relatively small sum of $26.3 million in American healthcare products including insulin, penicillin, laboratory reagents, ultrasonic scanning equipment, artificial limbs and other medical appliances, according to data gathered by the US-Cuba Trade and Economic Council.
While selling or donating medical supplies is possible, several organizations, including the Cuba Study Group and the Center for Democracy in the Americas, are asking the Biden administration to suspend the bureaucratic requirements to speed up the process citing the humanitarian emergency caused by the coronavirus pandemic in Cuba.
The Cuban government has recently complained that U.S. sanctions have made it difficult to buy syringes for its vaccination campaign. But it’s hard to pinpoint exactly whether the main problem is the embargo or simply market forces and Cuba’s unwillingness to pay higher prices or find sources of credit.
Cuba did eventually receive 1.7 million syringes donated through New York-based Global Health Partners, which coordinated a campaign to raise funds to send at least 6 million syringes to the island. According to executive director Bob Schwartz, the U.S. sanctions created difficulties in obtaining syringes and in finding a shipping company willing to deliver them.
But market forces and a lack of supply worldwide also played a part in the island’s syringe troubles. That led manufacturers to favor orders from larger countries that are not under any U.S.-imposed restrictions, said Medea Benjamin, co-founder of CODEPINK, a leftist organization that has supported the Cuban government over the years and also coordinated the campaign Let Cuba Live!
“Demand was so great that manufacturers didn’t want to bother with a relatively small order for Cuba in addition to having to navigate the banking system and facing the risk of retaliation by the U.S.,” she said.
Separating fact from fiction 
The complexity of embargo regulations makes it difficult to separate fact from propaganda, and the policy debate is filled with half-truths.
Some of the claims made by the Cuban government about the effects of the embargo over the years are based on reality — for example, that the sanctions have prevented Cuba from acquiring new jetliners. But other claims are based on dubious calculations on how much money Cuba would have saved if it could trade freely with the U.S. A third class of claims are based on fictitious calculations of “losses” because Cuba cannot sell its products like organic produce or software in the U.S. Many other claims are manipulations of the facts or outright falsehoods, like saying the embargo does not allow the country to buy grain seeds in the U.S. It does, and Cuba has purchased them over the years.

Ultimately, the island’s government has successfully managed to find ways around the embargo and buy American goods, skirting the financial restrictions, by building an extensive web of offshore companies in Panama, Luxembourg, and Liechtenstein, as investigations by the Miami Herald and McClatchy have uncovered.

Miami Herald, August 6, 2025

Where is Cuba’s money? Secret records show the military has massive cash hoard 

By Nora Gamez Torres
August 6, 2025 5:30 AM
For most people in Cuba, life on the island has in recent years taken a tragic turn: The economy has collapsed, the poorest Cubans dig food from trash heaps, and many die from lack of medications, while the government’s response has largely amounted to resisting market reforms and blaming the U.S. embargo for the shortages and daily blackouts.
And yet, in the midst of the misery, the Cuban military is riding high: Its bank accounts are stuffed with cash, as much as $18 billion — an amount larger than the international reserves of nations like Costa Rica, Uruguay and Panama, an exclusive Miami Herald investigation shows.
Under Raúl Castro, the nonagenarian retired general who is still the ultimate authority on the island, the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces have expanded their hold on the country’s economic lifeline through an umbrella group known as GAESA, short for Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A. Although Cubans know little about it, GAESA controls dozens of profitable businesses, including a huge chunk of tourism, most of the island’s gas stations and supermarkets, the money-transfer business, currency exchange agencies and the operations at a special development zone on Mariel Bay.

[ Full article ]