CubaBrief: The Wasp Network, that killed Americans and plotted a terror attack on US soil, were not the Castro regime’s last soldiers of the Cold War

Wasp Network is a 2019 Netflix film based on the book The Last Soldiers of the Cold War by Brazilian author, journalist, and politician Fernando Morais, which paints a sympathetic and whitewashed picture of the Castro regime’s spy network that was rounded up by the FBI in 1998. Consider the following information to get a better sense of who the author is and his ideological reasons. Morais’s debut book, A Ilha, was published in 1976, about his three-month visit to Cuba, at a time when Brazil’s military dictatorship had severed relations with Castro’s communist regime since 1964, and Brazilian passports bore a warning: “Not valid for Cuba.” This visit and the book upon which it was based made Morais an icon of the Brazilian left.

Olivier Assayas, who wrote the screenplay and directed the film based on the book by Morais, , initially encountered resistance from the Castro regime, but found all doors opened to him and he spent half a year in Havana, Cuba  to complete the film.

As a result, it should come as no surprise that both the book and the film present the Cuban military dictatorship and its spy network in a positive and non-threatening light. The film is not only a masterclass in propaganda, but it’s also a demonstration that in order to appease Havana, what should have been a strong and impactful picture became a mediocrity, panned by critics and with an even a lower audience rating on Rotten Tomatoes.

The WASP Network (La Red Avispa) was made up of over forty officers and agents, four escaped to Cuba when the FBI began rounding them up. Ten were captured, and five of them pleaded guilty and cooperated with the prosecution. They are unpersons in Cuba, and the remaining five became the focus of an international propaganda campaign organized by the Castro regime that did not end until December 2014.  

The film briefly mentions the Ochoa Affair, and touches on its political aspect of liquidating General Arnaldo Ochoa, a popular general among the ranks, who was executed by firing squad in 1989, but fails to mention the Castro regime’s extensive involvement in drug trafficking. 

Whether consciously or not, to film in Cuba, and not have regime censors shut down their production, he gutted the film of what would have been powerful elements that would have provided context, not to mention drama and pathos to his film . It would’ve provided a dramatic explanation of the July 13, 1995 overflight of Havana by Brothers to the Rescue but this would have necessitated putting on film the July 13, 1994 “13 de marzo” tugboat incident when agents of the Castro regime sank a tugboat six miles off the coast of Havana and attacked and killed 37 men, women, and children trying to flee the island. Next month will mark 26  years without justice for the victims. A detailed report on this crime against humanity was published by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in 1996 and is available online.

One year later on the anniversary of the killings, and with the bodies never recovered, a flotilla of boats organized by Cuban pro-democracy groups tried to reach the spot where the tugboat rested with the remains of the tugboat victims to hold a service for the dead. The lead boat Democracia had its hull crushed by Cuban government gunboats, and turned back, as had been agreed upon by organizers, if the dictatorship’s forces turned violent. At that moment Brothers to the Rescue that had been flying overhead changed course and flew over Havana dropping leaflets that read “Comrades No. Brothers.”  This outraged the Castro brothers and I believe this is when they began plotting their revenge which they carried out seven months later.

Other and more dramatic activities carried out by the Wasp Network were left out of the film.

The spies had received instructions from Havana to burn down an airport hangar, sabotage planes, first terrorize then send a mail bomb to kill a CIA agent living in Bal Harbour identified as Jesus Cruza Flor. The network provided material intelligence that assisted in the shoot down of two civilian planes on February 24, 1996 killing four Americans that they do not even show or name in the film. They are treated as non-persons.

The Wasp Network engaged in espionage: targeted U.S. military facilities, planned to smuggle arms and explosives into the United States, provided information that led to the extrajudicial killings of Armando Alejandre, Carlos Costa, Mario de la Peña and Pablo Morales, infiltrated two non-violent exile groups, and carried out numerous other activities to sow division, shape public opinion, and meddle in U.S. elections.

The Cuban spy network gathered personal information of American military personnel “compiling the names, home addresses, and medical files of the U.S. Southern Command’s top officers and that of hundreds of officers stationed at Boca Chica Naval Station in Key West.”  What did the Castro regime plan to do with this information?

The WASP spy network was disbanded in 1998 by the FBI, but another high ranking Castro spy burrowed deep in the Pentagon’s Defense Intelligence Agency, Ana Belen Montes, was not arrested until days after the Twin Towers and the Pentagon were attacked on September 11, 2001.

All of this came out during their trial. Gerardo Hernandez, the head of the network was convicted of murder conspiracy and espionage and condemned to a double life sentence.

Hernandez had his double life sentence commuted by President Obama on December 17, 2014 as part of the concessions made in the drive to normalize relations between the two countries.

In April 2020, Gerardo Hernández, convicted of murder conspiracy for the Brothers to the Rescue shootdown and espionage for heading up the WASP spy network, was promoted to Deputy National Coordinator of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), an Orwellian agency, and is now tasked with spying on all Cubans in the island.

There is a long history of espionage by the Castro regime targeting the United States that stretches back to the early years of the Cuban dictatorship, and policy makers should not forget or underestimate it. These were not the last soldiers of the “Cold War”, because Cuban spies continue to carry out the orders of the dictatorship in Havana even when that means carrying out acts of terrorism, torture, and murder.

In the meantime we can challenge the Castro regime’s narrative and remember the victims and continue to demand justice. The case of the Brothers to the Rescue shootdown on February 24, 1996 has been studied in detail and a report prepared in 1999 by the Inter-American Commission for Human Rights with references to other sources. The Wasp Network film never identified the four men killed on that Saturday afternoon 24 years ago. Lets challenge their narrative with facts and documentary evidence. Let us also remember and say the names of Armando Alejandre, Carlos Costa, Mario de la Peña and Pablo Morales.

Radio Havana Cuba, April 13, 2020

Failed Cuban Spy Promoted to Deputy Director of Nationwide Snitch Program

From Radio Havana Cuba:

Gerardo Hernandez Promoted to Deputy National Coordinator of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution

Havana, April 8 (RHC)– Gerardo Hernández, Hero of the Republic of Cuba and one of the Five Cuban anti-terrorists who were imprisoned in the United States, was promoted to Deputy National Coordinator of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), a mass organization that brings together an enormous percentage of the island’s population.

The announcement was made on the CDR’s Facebook page, where they wished success to the Cuban hero and deputy to the National Assembly of the People’s Power.

Hernandez was until now the vice-rector of the Raúl Roa García Institute of International Relations. The Committees for the Defense of the Revolution were founded by the leader of the Cuban revolution, Fidel Castro, on September 28, 1960. [edited for RHC by Jorge Ruiz Miyares].

Editor’s Note: Gerardo Hernández Nordelo, alias “Manuel Viramontes,” was arrested for espionage as a leader in the 40+ member spy ring known as the Wasp Network. Publically, he was lauded by the Cuban government for going to jail rather than accepting a plea agreement. In reality, however, Havana has always treated its jailed spies as “tainted” and therefore untrustworthy upon release. We hope he enjoys his irrelevant job overseeing his nation’s neighborhood snitch program. Community-based CDRs are low-level surveillance forces subordinate to the National CDR, which is a component of the National Revolutionary Police.

https://cubaconfidential.wordpress.com/2020/04/13/failed-cuban-spy-promoted-to-deputy-director-of-nationwide-snitch-program/

From the Archives

The Miami Herald, March 5, 2016

Will spy wars between Cuba and the U.S. end with restored relations?

By Alfonso Chardy  achardy@elnuevoherald.com

Though the United States has restored relations with Cuba, and President Barack Obama is planning to visit the island later this month, it’s unclear if the two countries have declared a truce in the spy wars they have waged for more than 50 years.

Lawmakers in Congress have warned the Obama administration that allowing Cuba to operate an embassy in Washington and consulates throughout the country will only make it easier for Havana to deploy spies and agents in the United States.

“We are all too familiar with the Castro regime’s efforts to utilize their diplomats as intelligence agents tasked with the goal of committing espionage against the host countries,’’ according to a letter sent in 2015 to the U.S. Department of State by five Cuban-American lawmakers including Miami Reps. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Mario Diaz-Balart and Carlos Curbelo, as well as presidential candidate and Texas Senator Ted Cruz, and New Jersey Rep. Albio Sires, D-N.J.

Since Fidel Castro seized power in January 1959, and over the next five decades, Havana built one of the world’s most active intelligence services — one that dispatched spies and agents to penetrate the highest levels of the American government and some of the leading Cuban exile organizations.

In fact, some of the biggest crises in U.S.-Cuba relations can be traced to the involvement of Cuban spies and agents — from the downing of two Brothers to the Rescue planes to the theft of U.S. military secrets at the Defense Intelligence Agency and the spying of U.S. military facilities in South Florida and infiltration of leading Cuban exile organizations in Miami by members of the now-defunct Wasp Network.

“I believe the main reason that Cuban intelligence was so exceptionally successful, for so many years, is because the supreme Cuban spy master was Fidel Castro himself,” said Brian Latell, a former CIA official who in 2012 published the landmark book Castro’s Secrets: Cuban Intelligence, the CIA and the Assassination of John F. Kennedy, which provides an authoritative history of Cuban espionage against the United States. “Intelligence operations were always among his highest priorities.”

While some Cuban spies have become well known — such as the five illegal intelligence officers caught, tried and convicted for belonging to the Wasp Network that spied on military facilities in South Florida and infiltrated the ranks of exile groups — other agents have operated in obscurity. Still others have only been suspected — but never confirmed — as Cuban agents, including Lee Harvey Oswald, the assassin of President John F. Kennedy.

Oswald is perhaps a good place to start. If it’s true he was a Cuban agent, then Oswald was one of the first to operate clandestinely in the United States.

There’s never been any concrete evidence that Oswald was controlled by Cuban intelligence, but Latell’s authoritative book offers tantalizing information indicating that the American assassin had been in contact with Cuban officials well before his well-documented bus trip to Mexico City, two months before the Dallas assassination, where he visited the Cuban consulate seeking a visa to Havana and yelled that he would kill Kennedy after he was denied travel papers.

Latell’s book quotes from testimony before the Warren Commission that investigated the 1963 assassination that sometime in 1959, the year Castro seized power in Havana, Oswald contacted Cuban officials — possibly in Los Angeles — and remained in touch while he was stationed at the former U.S. Marine Corps Air Station El Toro in southern California.

Nelson Delgado, a Puerto Rican Marine who became a friend of Oswald’s, recalled in testimony that Oswald himself told him he was in contact with Cuban diplomats and that he was receiving mail from them.

Delgado also told the Warren Commission that once he saw an envelope stamped with a Cuban government seal in Oswald’s quarters and that Oswald regularly received an unknown civilian visitor at the base.

More significantly, Latell says in his book, Cuban officials — perhaps even Castro himself — knew in advance that something was going to happen in Dallas on Nov. 22, 1963 because they ordered a young intelligence communications officer to stop tracking CIA signals that day and instead focus on broadcasts from Texas.

The Warren Commission concluded that Oswald acted alone, and the House Select Committee on Assassinatuons in 1976 said the Cuban government was not involved in the Kennedy assassination. Oswald was killed by Dallas nightclub owner Jack Ruby soon after the assassin’s arrest.

Incidentally, the communications officer ordered to track Texas broadcasts was Florentino Aspillaga Lombard, one of the most important Cuban intelligence defectors ever to have fled to the United States. He defected in 1987 and was targeted for assassination in 1997 by suspected members of the Miami-based Wasp Network, according to Latell’s book.

Almost every decade, U.S. authorities have uncovered Cuban espionage or terrorist plots within the United States.

One of the first confirmed espionage and sabotage attempts took place in 1962 — just after the Cuban missile crisis ended.

FBI agents thwarted the alleged Castro plot that involved setting off explosives at various department stores in New York City as well as oil refineries in New Jersey, according to a New York Times article published on Nov. 19, 1962.

Three of the suspects — Roberto Santiesteban Casanova, José Gómez Abad and his wife Elisa Montero de Gómez Abad — were attached to the Cuban mission to the United Nations. Though Cuba denied the diplomats’ involvement in the plot, a year later Santiesteban was freed and allowed to return to Cuba as part of an exchange for Americans held on the island. The Abads had been freed and kicked out by the State Department soon after their arrest.

In the 1970s, U.S. intelligence officials suspected that Cuban spies helped finance the activities of U.S. anti-government militant groups such as the Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army.

In fact, one of the best known black militants from that era, Assata Shakur or JoAnne Chesimard fled to Cuba in 1984 after escaping from prison. Chesimard is still in Cuba.

In 1978, Walter Kendall Myers, then a young State Department contract employee, visited Cuba and was recruited as agent 202. His wife Gwendolyn became agent 123. Eventually, Myers climbed in the ranks of the State Department to become a State Department intelligence analyst. For three decades, the couple relayed secret information to their Cuban control officers via shortwave radio and encrypted electronic messages. Gwendolyn was in charge of transmitting the secrets to Cuba.

Cuban espionage against the United States intensified in the 1980s when President Ronald Reagan stepped up rhetoric against Cuba at the height of the Cold War.

It was then that Cuban intelligence recruited Ana Belen Montes, daughter of a Puerto Rican family who in 1985 joined the ranks of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA). By the time Montes was arrested in 2001, she had already become a senior DIA analyst and had passed a considerable amount of American secrets to Cuba. Montes pleaded guilty in 2002 and was sentenced to 25 years in prison.

Also in 2002, U.S. investigators learned that Montes had been recruited as a Cuban agent by a fellow student, Marta Rita Velazquez, at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Washington, who later worked for the State Department. Velazquez has since been indicted but not prosecuted because she lives in Sweden, which does not allow extradition for spying.

In the 1990s, Cuban espionage within the United States intensified further after exiles began a series of anti-Castro raids and sabotage missions against the island in the belief that the fall of Communism in eastern Europe would hasten the downfall of the Castro regime.

It was then that Cuba sent intelligence officers to South Florida who gradually built the Wasp Network of spies, one of the most elaborate foreign espionage systems ever discovered in the United States.

Wasp Network members ultimately managed to infiltrate Brothers to the Rescue, Alpha 66 and other exile groups and also spied on U.S. military facilities in South Florida. While the group was discovered in 1998, its members had been active for years. For example, the network’s information helped the Cuban government down two small planes belonging to Brothers to the Rescue in which four Cuban exiles were killed in 1996.

The victims of the shootdown that involved two Cuban MiGs, were Carlos Costa, Armando Alejandre, Jr., Mario de la Peña and Pablo Morales.

“One of the most painful moments was to hear the tape of the pilots seeking orders to shoot down the small planes and how they rejoiced when they announced that they had shot them down,” said Maggie Alejandre Khuly, sister of Armando Alejandre. “I went to the trial every day and in order to bear the pain I wrote a lot. That way I was able to distance myself from what was happening, the lies and the surprises, the horrors which until that moment had been unexpected.”

Alejandre Khuly said the victims’ families felt vindicated when the sentences were announced against the spies.

“Of course, everything changed on December 17, 2014, and we don’t know exactly how we are going to continue fighting, but we will. We will not forget Carlos, Armando, Mario and Pablo.”

The families now hope that eventually the MiG pilots — twin brothers Lorenzo Alberto Perez Perez and Francisco Perez Perez — and then Cuban air force chief Gen. Ruben Martinez Puente — will be brought to trial in the United States. A U.S. grand jury in Miami indicted the pilots and Gen. Martinez Puente in 2003 for the shootdown.

Though more than two dozen people worked in the Wasp network, in the end only five leaders were prosecuted and convicted in Miami: Antonio Guerrero, René González, Fernando González, Gerardo Hernández and Ramón Labañino.

René González was released from prison in 2011 and allowed to return to Cuba in 2013. Fernando González was released on Feb. 27, 2014 and the remaining three were freed and returned to Cuba on Dec. 17, 2014 — the day President Obama ordered the restoration of relations with Cuba.

While U.S. authorities succeeded in dismantling the Wasp Network, Cuban espionage continued.

In 2002, four Cuban diplomats were expelled for activities deemed harmful to the United States. One of them was Gustavo Machín Gómez who joined the Cuban negotiation team on restoration of relations and was received at the State Department in February 2015, according to the letter released by the U.S. lawmakers.

In 2003, 14 more Cuban diplomats were kicked out including José Anselmo López Perera, husband of Josefina Vidal, who headed the Cuban team that brought about restoration of relations.

In 2006, Florida International University professors Carlos and Elsa Alvarez were arrested and later pleaded guilty in connection with a Cuban espionage case. In 2007, Carlos was sentenced to five years in prison, and Elsa to three years.

The last big case emerged in 2009, when agents announced the discovery of the Myers espionage couple. In 2010, Walter — then 73 — was sentenced to life in prison and his wife, then 72, to 81 months.

Relations with Cuba probably does not mark the end of the spy wars. Several suspected Cuban agents have not been prosecuted and others have not been identified, though they may still be operating within the U.S. government and exile groups.

Alfonso Chardy: 305-376-3435, @AlfonsoChardy

https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/cuba/article64238792.html

Transcribed and translated excerpts from seized diskettes:

DAV-118 (E) RTF (AIRPORT.DIR)

WORK DIRECTIVES FOR OPERATION “AEROPUERTO”

1-. THE IDEA OF THE OPERATION:

SINCE THE VERY BEGINNING THE ESSENTIAL IDEA OF THE OPERATION WAS FOR A-32 TO JOIN WITH THE ILLEGAL CENTER THAT WAS BEING DIRECTED BY A-4 AND WAS FUNCTIONING IN THE STATE OF FLORIDA.

2-. OPERATIONAL OBJECTIVES:

THE FUNDAMENTAL OBJECTIVE OF THE OPERATION IS TO ESTABLISH S/A A-32 IN KEY WEST FOR THE PURPOSE OF PENETRATING AND OBTAINING INFORMATION ON THE NAVAL AIR STATION LOCATED IN THAT CITY.

ALSO, TO MAKE CONTACTS WHICH CAN PROVIDE US WITH MILITARY, POLITICAL , BIOGRAPHICAL AND OPERATIONAL INFORMATION AS AS TO STUDY COUNTERREVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATIONS EXISTING IN THE AREA AND CARRY OUT STUDIES ON THE OPERATIONAL SITUATION OF ROADS, MAINLY IN KEY WEST.

3-. PARTICIPANTS

A-32 WILL BE THE MAIN PARTICIPANT AND HE WILL BE DIRECTLY UNDER I.O. A-4.

WORK DIRECTIVES FOR OPERATION “GIRÓN.”

1-. IDEA OF THE OPERATION

Reviewed by: LS Salomon

Declassified by: KMDJr / RJG

Cred. #10517

11/27/00 1

[…]

DHo-101 (E) CMA (Disk 17).wpd

OPERATION “PICADA’

OBJECTIVES:

1.-) TRY TO IMPEDE THE CONSUMPTION OF INTENTIONS OF THE OPERATION P.A.L. (PAN, AMOR Y LIBERTAD) OF THE COUNTERREVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATION BROTHER’S TO THE RESCUE.

2.-) AFFECT AND DISCREDIT THE IMAGE OF SAID ORGANIZATION.

ACTIONS TO BE DEVELOPED:

1.-) PERFORM THE OPERATIONAL SITUATION STUDY OF THE HANGAR AT THE OPA LOCKA BASE WHERE THE ORGANIZATION KEEPS AND OPERATES THEIR PLANES.

2.-) THE POSSIBILITY OF BURNING DOWN THE WAREHOUSE OF THE COUNTERREVOLUTIONARY ORGANIZATION, AND AFFECT THEIR PLANES, MAKING IT SEEM LIKE AN ACCIDENT, NEGLIGENCE OR SELF DAMAGE.

KEEPING IN MIND THAT THIS PLACE MAY BE SECURED AND THAT IN CASES LIKE THESE, INVESTIGATIONS ARE PERFORMED, RUMORS WILL LEAK THAT BASULTO AND HIS PEOPLE CAUSED THE DAMAGE THEMSELVES TO COLLECT THE INSURANCE AND GET MORE MONEY FROM THEIR CONTRIBUTORS.

3.-) ATTEMPT TO DISABLE THEIR EQUIPMENT AND TRANSMISSION ANTENNAE ON LAND, THE ONES THEY USE TO COMMUNICATE WITH DURING THEIR MISSIONS, MAKING IT SEEM LIKE NEGLIGENCE.

NOTE: THESE THREE POINTS WERE REQUESTED OF CASTOR VIA RADIO MESSAGE. IT HAS TO BE DETERMINED WHAT HE HAS BEEN ABLE TO OBTAIN.

4.-) ANALYZE WITH CASTOR IF HE COULD INFORM US AHEAD OF TIME (DETERMINE PRECISE TIME) WHEN THE BROTHER’S TO THE RESCUE PLANES WILL BE TAKING OFF, WHO IS IN THEM AND IF THEY ARE GOING TO LAND AT A SPECIFIC PLACE. WHAT PERSONNEL KNOWS THIS INFORMATION BEFOREHAND. AT SOME POINT, CAN IT BE DETERMINED WHO PROVIDED THIS INFORMATION.

5.-) ACCORDING TO THE FEATURES OF THE PLANES, THEIR SECURITY SYSTEM, AS WELL AS THE HANGAR WHERE THEY ARE LOCATED, IF AT ANY SPECIFIC MOMENT HE COULD HIDE SOME TYPE OF MATERIAL AND KEEP IT THERE WITHOUT BEING DETECTED. WHAT SIZE WOULD THAT MATERIAL HAVE TO BE

OPERATION PARALLELO:

THE OBJECTIVE OF THIS OPERATION IS TO DEVELOP A SERIES OF ACTIONS AGAINST CIA AGENT JESUS CRUZA FLOR.

THESE ACTIONS WOULD BE:

1.-) PHOTOGRAPH OR VIDEO TAPE HIS HOUSE, LOCATED AT:

1440 S. BAYSHORE DR.

MIAMI, FLORIDA 33131

TELEPHONE (305)358-0762

2.-) ONCE THE HOUSE IS PHOTOGRAPHED, MAKE VARIOUS THREATENING TELEPHONE CALLS (TWO OR THREE) CONCERNING HIS NEARING EXECUTION.

THESE CALLS WOULD BE AT DIFFERENT HOURS AND DIFFERENT DAYS. TRY TO USE THE EQUIPMENT (CALLED SCRAMBLER OR SOMETHING SIMILAR) TO CHANGE THE VOICE. PHONE BOOTHS SHOULD BE SELECTED THAT ALLOW A QUICK EXIT OUT OF THE AREA. KEEP IN MIND THAT THE MEASURES IS AGAINST A CIA AGENT AND HE COULD HAVE CALLER ID TO FIND OUT THE TELEPHONE NUMBER THAT IS CALLING AND THE ADDRESS WHERE IT IS LOCATED. ON THE OTHER HAND, KEEP IN MIND THE REST OF THE SECURITY MEASURES THAT SHOULD BE TAKEN IN THE BOOTH, SUCH AS FINGERPRINTS, HAIR, ODORS, SALIVA, DRESS, THAT THERE BE NO PERMANENT PERSONNEL IN THE AREA TO RECOGNIZE THE CALLER. DO NOT LEAVE THE CAR WHERE IT CAN BE OBSERVED, THE DURATION OF THE CALL. DO NOT RESPOND TO ANY QUESTIONS ASKED.

3.-) PREPARE AN ALLEGED BOOK-BOMB (BOOK, CABLE, BATTERIES, PLASTIQUE, ETC., AND SEND IT VIA EXPRESS MAIL. KEEP IN MIND TO WRAP THE BOOK IN A PROTECTIVE PAPER, WHICH IF THE ENVELOPE IS PASSED THROUGH THE X-RAY MACHINES, IMPEDES THE DETECTION OF WHAT IS INSIDE, AND THEREFORE IT WILL NOT BE ROUTED THROUGH THE MAIL.

KEEP IN MIND TO OBTAIN THE ENVELOPE, AS WELL AS THE POSTAGE, MANY DAYS IN ADVANCE AND SELECT A BUSY PLACE. USE A SPECIFIC CAMOUFLAGE.

STUDY THE MAILBOX WHERE THE PACKAGE WILL BE DEPOSITED, AS WELL AS THE TIME IT WILL BE DEPOSITED. ANALYZE HOW YOU WILL GET OUT OF THE AREA.

DURING THE ENTIRE PROCESS KEEP THE SECURITY MEASURES IN MIND, SUCH AS THE ONES MENTIONED BEFORE, GIVING SPECIAL ATTENTION TO FINGER PRINTS DURING THE ENTIRE PROCESS.

EVALUATE THE POSSIBILITY OF USING MANOLO TO MAKE THE CALL, THE TOPOS TO DEPOSIT THE ENVELOPE AND A-4 TO PREPARE THE BOOK-BOMB.

————–

FEBRUARY 1, 1994

CONTACT AGENDA WITH 0-4 “ESELIN”

Reviewed by: LS Salomon

Declassified by: KMDJr

MM-#10517

9/24/00 2-6